Friday, June 17, 2016

To Combat Climate Change, Restore Land Ownership To Indiginous Peoples

TO COMBAT CLIMATE CHANGE, RESTORE

LAND OWNERSHIP 

TO INDIGENOUS 

PEOPLES

by June 15, 2016
Even though Indigenous Peoples make up just 5 percent of the world’s population, their ancestral territories collectively span across 65 percent of the Earth’s surface. However, just 10 percent of that land is within their legal control. This discrepancy creates a significant gap in securing the human rights and political, social, and economic needs of the world’s 5000 distinct Indigenous Peoples and Nations.
Despite their immense cultural and linguistic diversity, Indigenous Peoples developed their ways of life in much the same way. By maintaining an intimate relationship with the land for generations on end, the languages, livelihoods, customs, and cultures became inextricably linked to that same land. Some refer to this relationship as a bio-cultural heritage.
What happens when Indigenous Peoples have no legal control of their land? Their way of living faces indefinite threat, they are subjected to greater degrees of poverty, and the land itself is more likely to come under control of corporations and governments that allow resource extraction projects and other development schemes that pollute waterways, contribute to carbon emissions and cause massive deforestation (not to mention displacement of the peoples who live there). In some instances, these impacts lead to a complete ecosystem collapse.
In sharp contrast to this, studies show that Indigenous Peoples are the most effective managers and protectors of their territories which they view as a partner, a provider, and a living being. This perspective carries tangible results: in the Amazon, for example, the deforestation rate is eleven times lower in community owned forests.
Just last November, LandMark, the “global platform of Indigenous and community lands,” made a groundbreaking effort to place data about community owned and indigenous owned land into a map. In that online interactive map, LandMark is gradually revealing which areas of the Earth’s surface are held by Indigenous Peoples, whether or not the land is formally recognized by a state, or if it is in the process of being recognized. Its features also enable users to see the percentage of a country’s total land area, and what amount is held by Indigenous Peoples, as well as the strength of their legal claims to such lands.
This data stands in sharp contrast to how we typically think of land and territory. The international agenda with regards to climate change assumes that actors, priorities, and solutions are effectively negotiated and implemented by approaching the issue from the perspective of nation-states. For example, interests are defined in terms of a country’s needs: what are India’s needs, or what are obstacles to American cooperation? These needs are then augmented into macro-level concerns that reinforce the nation-state mentality: the European approach to climate change might involve one set of actions, while vulnerable members of the global south have a different set of needs. Not only does this kind of rhetoric reinforce the idea of the nation-state, but it also strengthens the very needs of the nation-state, which are almost always economic in nature. The “global south” is not just a geographic term; it carries with it connotations that this group of countries is less economically developed, making their needs at the international policy level “different” than those who are already industrialized and therefore more economically empowered to make reductions in carbon emissions. In dividing needs, interests, actors, and policy objectives along these lines, the global community leaves little room for non-state actors to effectively argue for non-economic interests, including interests in climate change mitigation and reversal. This line of thinking also assumes that Indigenous Peoples’ needs are sufficiently represented by nation states, or ignores the fact that they are not.
This system of international policy making disempowers Indigenous Peoples in a variety of political arenas, but especially in matters of climate change. International state actors discuss climate change in terms of reductions in economic development, environmental devastation, and disaster management, which are linked to financial costs. Indigenous Peoples are similarly concerned with environmental devastation and disaster management, but these issues are part of a larger problem in which their ways of life are threatened. Traditional knowledge and ways of life cannot necessarily be recovered in another geographic area, and certainly not through other strengths of the global economic market. Nor, for that matter, can they be secured through the UN's Sustainable Development Goals(SDGs).
LandMark map: National level percentage of formally recognized Indigenous and Community lands
LandMark map: National level percentage of formally recognized Indigenous and Community lands
LandMark’s map allows us to understand indigenous and community land rights in the context of nation-state boundaries. In looking at a map that indicates which percentage of these lands are adequately protected, we can better understand how the interests politicians pursue at the international level do not match up geographically with the Earth’s reality. To return to the statistic first introduced in this article, 65 percent of the Earth’s land area is held by Indigenous Peoples communities and nations. Put another way, 65 percent of the Earth is arguably inadequately and unfairly represented by those with the power to decide policies that affect all of us. How can a country that protects only 5 percent of indigenous lands fairly claim to represent the needs of those people?
This matters, because Indigenous Peoples are powerful stakeholders and advocates in the fight against climate change. As studies by the World Resources Institute show, communities around the world have official or legal rights to a minimum of 513 million hectares of forests (one-eighth of the world’s total, which equates to 37.7 billion tonnes of carbon). These areas see far lower decimation of the trees and plant life that help to mitigate carbon emissions elsewhere in the world. The picture below of indigenous land boundaries in Brazil illustrates the clear difference in land that is managed and legally controlled by Indigenous Peoples versus land that is subject to economic interests and government control.
Screenshot from Life Mosaic's Video Series "Territories of Life"
Screenshot from Life Mosaic's Video Series "Territories of Life"
In order to effectively empower Indigenous Peoples to be advocates for the environment and allies in the struggle to combat climate change, governments need to protect their rights to the land without providing oil, gas, and mining concessions. Indigenous Peoples need to have secure community-based rights with longevity; further studies show that concession rights and individual titles lead to community fragmentation and insufficiently protect the people and lands that they manage. But these efforts are only effective at the national level; thus, the international community needs to be made aware of how powerful an impact Indigenous Peoples have on mitigating climate change. The international community also needs to understand and respond to the gap in negotiation and policy making: that is, it needs to evolve to include a space for Indigenous Peoples to advocate for their needs and contribute to solutions. This means structuring policy making in non-national terms, and pushing for non-state actors and members of civil society to become meaningful participants in the process.

Wednesday, June 8, 2016

Tsai’s Aboriginal rights policy disputed

Tsai’s Aboriginal rights policy disputed

REDUNDANT:Non-partisan Solidarity Union’s May Chin asked why a commission was being established when the president’s white paper on Aboriginal policy would have sufficed

By Sean Lin  /  Staff reporter
Legislators yesterday questioned President Tsai Ing-wen’s (蔡英文) approach to restoring Aboriginal rights to promote transitional justice.
Non-partisan Solidarity Union Legislator May Chin (高金素梅), who is half Atayal, expressed frustration with Council of Indigenous Peoples Minister Icyang Parod, saying that a remark by Parod showed he was not serious about seeking transitional justice on behalf of Aborigines.
At an earlier meeting of the legislature’s Judiciary and Organic Laws and Statutes Committee, Parod had told Democratic Progressive Party’s (DPP) Wellington Ku (顧立雄) that he would help put together a truth and reconciliation commission under the Presidential Office to streamline efforts to restore land traditionally belonging to Aborigines and correct what he said were skewed historic perspectives about Aborigines.
Showing photographs of Parod leading protests against the government’s seizure of Aboriginal territories before taking on the council post, Chin said Parod was conflicted by his dual identity as an Amis activist and an official, and therefore not being entirely honest, as she questioned whether the proposed commission would have any administrative power.
“Do you think we Aborigines will mistake a job at the Presidential Office for real power? We are not stupid,” Chin said.
She questioned whether establishing the commission under the Presidential Office means the opinions of commission members from the agencies involved in pushing Aboriginal affairs would be neglected and, if so, asked why Tsai proposed the establishment of such a commission and the transitional justice bill when her white paper on Aboriginal policy would have sufficed.
Chin demanded that Parod provisionally announce the scope of traditional Aboriginal territories no later than the end of his term, to prevent excessive development plans such as the Miramar Resort.
Meanwhile, DPP Legislator Chou Chun-mi (周春米) asked Executive Yuan Secretary-General Chen Mei-ling (陳美伶) whether she thinks that establishing a commission under Tsai or an “Aboriginal land investigation commission” under the Control Yuan, as Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Legislator Cheng Tian-tsai (鄭天財) suggested, was a better option to restore Aboriginal land.

Aborigines given landowner papers to traditional land

Staff writer, with CNA

The Kaohsiung City Government on Saturday presented certificates of land ownership to 60 Aboriginal households to enable them to recover the rights they once held to traditional tribal lands.
Kaohsiung Mayor Chen Chu (陳菊) handed out the certificates for 110 plots covering 100 hectares during a ceremony held for the Aboriginal households.
Over the past 70 years, many of the lands reserved for Aborigines that were passed down from their ancestors have been administered by the National Property Administration or the Forestry Bureau, Chen said.
Aboriginal communities previously could only apply to reclaim lands to which they were entitled if they could produce official documents, Chen added.
This made it almost impossible to reclaim their lands, because most people had not kept official land documents required by the government, Chen said.
However, after joint efforts by the central and local governments, the ownership rights of Aboriginal lands can now be restored.
The city government is still reviewing records on the ownership claims by Aborigines to 17 plots covering about 50 hectares, Chen said.
The last time Kaohsiung issued certificates of land ownership to Aborigines was in 1973.
Taoyuan Mayor Cheng Wen-tsan (鄭文燦) on Saturday said that his municipal government was accelerating administrative procedures to help return traditional lands to their owners.
The Taichung City Government said it has issued certificates of land ownership for 289 plots to their Aboriginal owners.
New Taipei City Indigenous Peoples Department Director Dongi Alin (楊馨怡) said the city has been working hard to help Aborigines get their land ownership rights back.
Dongi Alin also suggested that the Council of Indigenous Peoples should scrap a regulation that stipulates Aborigines must use land for five years before they can acquire ownership of it.